The fused grid was the first road network pattern proposed in 2002 and then implemented in Calgary, Alberta (2006) and Stratford, Ontario (2004). It is a synthesis of two well-known and widely used networking concepts: "grid" and "Radburn" patterns, derivatives found in most suburban cities. Both concepts are self-conscious efforts to regulate urban space for shelter. The grid was conceived and applied in the pre-automotive era of the city beginning around 2000 BC and valid until about 1900 AD. The Radburn pattern emerged in 1929 some thirty years after the invention of an internal combustion engine-powered car and in anticipation of its ultimate dominance as a vehicle for mobility and transportation. Both of these patterns appear throughout North America. "Fused" refers to the systematic recombination of the essential characteristics of each of these two network patterns.
Video Fused grid
Terminologi dan riwayat
Modern urban planners generally classify the road network as organic or planned. The planned networks tend to be arranged according to geometric patterns, whereas organic tissue is believed to arise from spontaneous and irregular growth.
Architectural historian Spiro Kostof writes that "The word 'grid' is a convenient, and incorrect substitute, for 'orthogonal planning'. 'Gridiron' in the US implies a narrow block pattern, and a 'checkerboard' pattern of square blocks." precisely the main characteristic, the equally important second attribute is the calculated openness and unlimited increase. Loosely understood, the term "grid" can be applied to plans such as the Vitruvian octagonal plan for an ideal city, resembling a spider web, or for a plan consisting of a concentric circle. These are all lattices that are regularly given spacing of repetitive leaf spaces and that they can, perhaps, extend outward.
The emergence of pure grid, square, orthogonal, or Hippodamia grille, is explained by the natural tendency of people to walk in a straight line, especially in the absence of obstacles and on flat ground. This intuitive explanation leaves the pre-grid and post-grid questions of non-rural urban patterns to be better understood, especially those in the plane area like Marrakech. Another potential influence may be given by the often-second city-horse road users. Horses also tend to move in a straight line, especially at the speed of running, canter or running. When a horse caters to a city and withdraws a single or paired carriage, or, similarly, a cart for various transport and process functions, a straight-line journey becomes imperative; it forces slow speed and elaborate maneuvers that reduce the efficiency of their movements. The need for speed is emphasized by the size of the city; the distance to the public function at the center increases and, consequently, the need for rapid access is intensified. Speed ââin turn implies a straight line. It makes sense that drivers for the rectilinear layout may be the same horse, mule, and cart as humans themselves, driven by the growth of settlements. The creation of the Radburn pattern is associated with Clarence Stein but has the lineage of ideas that preceded it in the works of Raymond Unwin and Barry Parker which included the use of cul-de-sac and the crescent moon type. Unlike the record scarcity that obscures the original reason for the grid, the reasons for the Radburn pattern have been articulated clearly in Stein's writings and its predecessors.
"Radburn" (after place in New Jersey) now shows the configuration of the road network. This marks the departure of rigorous orthogonal geometry and the regularity of the grid and different approaches to laying new districts. As a system, it can be described more accurately as a "cellular" network that has a characteristic hierarchy of roads as distinct from identical roads that intersect at regular intervals. Its idiosyncratic derivatives and imitations are often characterized as "cul-de-sac and loop" patterns that highlight the different types of paths that are systematically used in this network. The second equally unusual term is "suburb". The pattern relationship with this location is inaccurate and unintentionally misleading: whole cities such as Cairo and Fez are structured in this pattern whose new borders follow a network that reverses urban/suburban relationships. "Suburban" also does not have geometric descriptions of the pattern. This brief expression concealed various patterns that emerged in the 20th century that were clearly not the grid or "Radburn" and the "system" aspect of the pattern. The "loop and lollipop" label may be a more precise description of the later interpretation of the seemingly lacking structure of the Radburn model and ignoring key elements of the original concept such as its emphasis on pedestrian priority, for example. The systematic use of cul-de-sac and loop patterns is clearly linked to automotive mobility as a means of controlling and directing the flow. The Radburn pattern is a complex system; more than a series of identical orthogonal city blocks in linear development. It lies in a functional program plus a deliberate deliberate aesthetic: it avoids the straight line, limits the four-way intersection and avoids repetitive blocks that all enhance its beautiful image. To facilitate the discussion, the name "Radburn-like" or "Radburn-type" will be used in the next section.
Maps Fused grid
Criticism of prevailing network patterns
Two dominant network patterns, grid and Radburn, have been debated by planners, transport engineers and social observers on the grounds that include defense, aesthetic, adaptability, socialization, mobility, health, safety, security and environmental impact issues.
Defense, aesthetics, and adaptability
The first known criticism of the grid was proposed on the basis of defense that became irrelevant following the prevalence of cannons (1500s). Aristotle argues that the old path pattern like the labyrinth that precedes the network, makes it difficult for attacking troops to find the way in and out of the city, Alberti also expressed the same view 1500 years later and added advantage of superior visual effects. from the organic pattern on top of the grid. The second criticism was put out very hard by Camillo Sitte on the basis of aesthetics. He argues that the grid has no variation and, consequently, is not attractive and can be oppressive by their monotony. This argument has been torn down first by the various potential grid dimensions that can be used in combinations as they appear in many city plans. More importantly, observations on the city's mainland show that the mix of buildings and their varying sidewalks and open spaces with their size variations coupled with the constant rebuilding, the monotonous suppression of the grid. Nevertheless, twentieth-century planners avoid pure networks and implicitly support C. Sitte's ideas about the need for beautiful street scenes. This tendency is generally based on an intuitive aesthetic foundation; that people do not like the street scene open and prefer that end. Recent subdivisions or city layouts such as Poundbury (1993), Seaside (1984) and Kentlands (1995) consciously avoid the homogeneous grids and open views. Further criticism of the grid focuses on its incompatibility for uneven and diverse terrain. Its applications on sites such as Priene (350 BC), Piraeus (around 400 BC), San Francisco (1776), Saint John, NB (1631) and others severely limit public accessibility by inadvertently introducing steep slopes or, in certain cases, stepping on roads and creating construction difficulties. In cities with an intense climate, this restriction is emphasized. Moving in a straight line uphill becomes difficult or, sometimes, impossible, especially for non-motorized wheeled vehicles. A Radburn-type network inherently includes various city blocks and an end to the scene and, consequently, early criticism centered on monotony and lack of final closure. Unbound geometry is easy to adapt to topographical irregularities and geographical features such as streams, woodlots, and natural ponds. Since both the alignment and the length of the environmental roads need to remain constant, this model gives the planner enough latitude in building the network.
Two more recent aesthetic criticisms of the Radburn model emerged in the 1980s: the absence of "walls" or "enclosures" of roads and the repetition of residential units such as those found in suburban districts. These two criticisms can be understood as misapplying the aesthetic norms of socio-economic outcomes. The extent of housing construction on the edge of the city echoes the spaciousness of contemporary homes and both are driven not by aesthetic intentions but by economic prosperity. Assessing the visual results of prosperity using the historical streetscape criteria of cities with different socioeconomic arrangements will make the verdict predictable and practically insignificant. In addition, criticism of the "wall path" and "cage" of the Radburn pattern application is undermined by observations of new and old city districts. A close examination will reveal that spatial quality is closely related to residential units and population density and construction technology and not necessarily the result of road patterns: The higher the density of dwellings on the road (and town) the closer and higher the buildings have to accommodate more people. Road patterns do not induce unit density or visual wall effects. For example, in earlier towns with labyrintin layouts, analogous to some contemporary suburban districts, residential buildings were diaglutinasi that created perimeter walls around city blocks with multiple holes for reasons of security, security and a high sense of privacy, not the aesthetics of street scenery.. In contrast, early towns were established in North America, where land is virtually free but costly constructions, depicted with the dimensions of many benefactors and very small houses on it (eg Salt Lake City) creating weak, vertical and horizontal "cages". At both ends of the streetscape scale, buildings that are very close and very rare, socio-economic factors drive the result.
Regarding the repetition of housing, the observation of the soil does not indicate a relationship with the road pattern. Homogeneity correlates better with production methods. Pragmatized early housing forms such as in Pompeii and Tunis, with very different road patterns, do not present faces in the way in which design differences can be seen; plain and luxurious homes have unobtrusive street faces. In recent years, old streets in newer cities with grids have considerable replication, based on local books and patterns, as do new roads on the periphery, based on industrialization. What impacts on the urban landscape is the scale of production: many single operators in the previous period with small annual output compared to some big companies in the mid-20th century with high annual production volumes. It can not be denied, the bigger the operation, the greater the repetition economy. Similar house models can be found not only in the same subdivision but across states and even countries. For example, veteran housing built in Canada consists of two or three repeated models in the environment and across the country. The most impressive effects of large-scale production are evident in Levittown, New York (1947) and in social housing projects, where the State also aims at economies of scale. In the case of early Huguenot settlements, the similarity of houses to identical network patterns was pursued as a means of expressing the social equality of all citizens - a community goal.
Housing density
Derivatives and variations in road network patterns Radburn, collectively "suburb", has been criticized on the basis of its relatively low density. The low density criticism appears to be based on a historical coincidence that is misinterpreted as a cause-effect: most low-density housing developments occurred in the 20th century on the outskirts of cities that existed after 1950 and deliberately included cul-de-sac roads or looped (paths inspired by Radburn type) on a regular basis. In contrast, dense development took place earlier (and continues) in the urban centers, which were largely in the grid patterns of the nineteenth century or earlier. Incidentally this topology of pattern and density can easily be mistaken as a causal relationship. Radburn (1929), a suburb, built in density (19 people per hectare) is higher than the next suburbs such as Kentlands (14 people per acre) arranged with a grid type pattern. Also, many early cities and suburb plans like Windermere, Florida, Dauphin, Manitoba, and St. Andrews, New Brunswick shows a very low grid layout and density. In contrast, cul-de-sac roads and crescent roads in central areas show high density. Examples of unusual and unusual association of road densities and types suggest that road patterns are coincidentally, not causally, related to housing density. Each given path pattern can be built at a predetermined density.
Security
Questions have been raised about the potential effects that environmental road patterns can play in the frequency that their homes are the target of theft and property damage. These questions are driven by a higher concentration of such events in certain environments above the general average. This potential relationship has been widely debated. Factors such as sample size, method of analysis and inclusion or removal of socio-demographic profiles of actors, victims and the environment can disrupt the results of the study. However some temporary correlations have been distinguished.
Experiments rarely occur in existing environments where road patterns, properties and residents are given and can not be changed. However, one such rare experiment has been tried at Five Oaks, Dayton, Ohio. The "problematic" environmental road pattern is transformed from ordinary networks into disconnected networks resembling the Radburn pattern. The modified layout is made intermittently for the car but is continuous for pedestrians through the use of connected cul-de-sacs. After the change, the decrease in antisocial incidents is very important and it soon suggests that patterns like Radburn contribute because all other factors remain unchanged. Observational studies rely on cross-sectional environmental analysis of the environment to obtain a potential correlation between path patterns and antisocial incidence rates. One such study concluded that:
- flats are always safer than homes and the wealth of the residents is very meaningful; Density
- is generally advantageous but more at the surface level;
- useful local movements, larger scale movements are not;
- relative prosperity and the number of neighbors have greater influence than being in the cul-de-sac or on the road.
- As for permeability, it indicates that residential areas should be permeable enough to allow movement in all directions but no more. Excessive provision of poorly used permeability is the danger of evil.
It also rebuilds that simple linear cul-de-sac streets with good number of residences that join through the streets tend to be safe. Of the five final observations, three are unrelated to network patterns, indicating the role of excessive socio-economic factors. The consensus among researchers is that the pattern of the roads themselves can not be seen as crimino-genic. The origin of evil lies elsewhere. Of the factors that help the intent for crime, however, infinite permeability appears most influential. The Radburn pattern limits the permeability while the uniform grid allows it.
Transportation, traffic, and effects
The more significant critique of the grid and the Radburn pattern is based on the new urban transport context of unprecedented motor mobility that causes traffic congestion, collision, accessibility, connectivity, pedestrian and driver readability, noise disturbances, car travel extent, air and water pollution, and greenhouse gas emissions. The importance of this criticism lies in the assessment of the adequacy of functional networks of alternatives on these aspects. Dysfunctional systems can cause severe economic and social burdens that can be avoided.
Mobility and congestion
The introduction of large amounts of mechanical personal transportation during the 20th century tested each of the characteristics of existing networks and their capacity to function satisfactorily for mobility and for city life in general. And since most of the cities where cars first appeared have grid layouts, (eg New York, Chicago, and London) it must be the first network pattern to impact.
The emergence of a grid in the world of pedestrians, where wheeled wheeled wheeled-wheeled traffic, along with its vast replicas, proves indirectly to its functional adequacy for pedestrian movement. New questions about its adequacy to serve motor movements and to serve both prime modes, motor and non-motor combinations, are constantly being debated.
The earliest signs of a potential decline in orthogonal tissue layout in serving wheeled traffic are found in Pompeii, Italy; at certain intersections the left bend is prohibited and some roads or sections of others are set in one direction. Contemporary traffic engineering recommends these steps to reduce congestion and improve flow in the Centertown grid and have been widely applied. It should be noted that, Pompeii restrictions occur at horse speeds and carts in the range of 5 to 10 km/h, well below the speed of the car. The definitive evidence of this deficiency, however, arose 20 centuries later, when the speed and volume of traffic reached a critical threshold and the analysis of large amounts of data became computerized. However, new complicated factors arise through adaptation.
The operational methods for controlling traffic flow and avoiding collisions are introduced and grow steadily in sophistication, from traffic signs to computer-controlled systems, time regulated. While these adaptation needs provide practical evidence of network deficiencies to serve unattended motorized transport, their introduction makes theoretical proofs more difficult. The highly sophisticated computer modeling of traffic flow overcomes these difficulties. Another difficult factor in the early stages of motorization is the absence of a typical and distinctive alternative network pattern for comparative analysis. In contrast to the obvious geometry of the grid, idiosyncratic, specific layouts and certain sites, which have no obvious elements of 'pattern' or 'stencil', can not be accurately described and generalized. The only distinguishing element of the current alternative is their inexorably hierarchical configuration of their loose dendrites, which can be contrasted in the absence of an inherently grid hierarchy. Because in the built districts none of these networks appear in pure form, another level of complexity is introduced that encourages the assurance of analytical findings.
Of the two studies that have attempted a comparison between the "Radburn-type" and "grid-type" networks, one is based on two hypothetical layouts for a particular site and a second one in the existing district layout and two hypothetical overlays. Congestion relationships with geometry and density layouts have been tested using computer-based traffic modeling. The first study, reported in 1990, compares the traffic performance of 700 acres (2.8 km2) constructed under two approaches, one with a hierarchical road layout that includes cul-de-sac streets and other traditional networks. The study concludes that non-hierarchical traditional spatial designs generally exhibit lower and shorter peak velocities, but more frequent intersection delays than hierarchical patterns. Traditional patterns are not friendly towards long trips as hierarchical but more friendly for short trips. The local journey inside is shorter in distance but roughly equivalent to time with a hierarchical layout.
A second extensive traffic comparison study of a subdivision of about 830 hectares (3.4 km2) tested three network models. It also tested the layout resistance to the increased traffic load generated by higher housing densities. This study confirms prior findings that reach a density of 70 ppha (including occupation), which is above the average density range of 35 to 55 ppha subdivisions, grid layout has slightly higher or equal delay per trip to Radburn type network. At 90 ppha, the conventional pattern shows a slightly higher delay per trip than the grid. These results indicate that within the normal range the subdivision housing density of the gratings has a slight disadvantage, but under very solid conditions the gain slightly reverses the grid-type support and that both can be improved.
Traffic security
The performance of grid traffic safety compared to other types of networks has been widely studied and general consensus arises both in theory and practice which, in general, is the safest of all network patterns currently in use. A 1995 study found significant differences in recording accidents between residential environments arranged on the grid and that included cul-de-sacs and crescents. The frequency of accidents is measurably higher in the network environment.
Two further studies examined collision frequencies in two regional districts using the latest analytical tools. They investigated the potential correlations between road network patterns and collision frequencies. In a 2006 study, the cul-de-sac tissue looked much safer than grid tissue, almost three to one. A second study in 2008 found that the grid plan became the most insecure with significant margins in relation to all other street patterns on site. A 2009 study showed that land use patterns play an important role in traffic safety and should be considered along with network patterns. Despite land use issues, this type of intersection also affects traffic safety. Intersections generally reduce the incidence of fatal accidents due to decreased speed, but the four-way intersections, which occur regularly on the grid, increase total and damage significantly, all other things being equal. The study recommended a hybrid road network with intense concentrations of T-intersections and concluded that the return of the kailron to the nineteenth century was undesirable.
Increased traffic safety has proven to be the result of modifications to existing environments laid out on the grid, indirectly showing weakness with respect to safety. One study on the impact of modification found that extensive urban traffic control schemes in the region reduced the rate of injury accidents by about 15 percent on average. The largest reduction of accidents found for residential roads (about 25 percent); smaller reductions (about 10%) are found for major roads.
Susceptible road users
After the introduction of motorized transportation, pedestrians did not go well in the city. Space and their freedom of movement have gradually been curtailed and the risk of injury increases. They are now viewed and studied as Vulnerable Road Users (VRUs) along with cyclists as they are very unlucky in case of a collision.
Pedestrians experience stress and delays at every intersection, especially when their mobility has been disrupted either temporarily or through the aging process. The pedestrian delay is unpopular due to its slow speed and limited reach range; the more intersections the higher the delay. Given the origin of the network as a network for pedestrian movement, it is important to understand how it caters to pedestrians when it must serve vehicle traffic simultaneously. A 2010 study concluded that of the seven network patterns, including the Radburn-type pattern, the grid is the safest for vulnerable road users such as pedestrians and bicycles.
Legibility
The uniform grid with the direction of the cardinal can still be mapped easily on paper as in the mind. This quality - legibility - helps people find goals and prevents lost fears. However, these benefits are felt more by visitors to the district than by their inhabitants. Many historic cities with labyrinthine plans, especially in the medieval period and in the Arab-Islamic world, do not create anxiety for their permanent residents. (Some visitors, equipped with maps, see them as a journey of exciting discovery.) Many parts of Paris, France, for example, show very irregular block dimensions and various road orientations that are not easily understood by visitors. People quickly gain many directions and perceptual positions without ever seeing printed maps of their domain and, in earlier times, without even the benefit of road signs. Readability can be an advantage but not a necessary condition for the environment or city to function well for its inhabitants. While the uniform grid offers full readability, the grid mutates and other patterns can function adequately to find a direction. Walkability