Egyptian Arabic

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Egyptian Arabic , locally known as Egyptian conversation language or Masri , also spelled Masry , which means "Egypt" , spoken by most contemporary Egyptians.

Egypt is a North African dialect of Arabic, which is a Semitic branch of the Afro-Asian language family. It comes from the Nile Delta in Lower Egypt around the capital Cairo. The Arabic language of Egypt evolved from the Arabic Qur'an brought to Egypt during a seventh-century Muslim conquest aimed at spreading the Islamic faith among the Egyptians. The Arabic Egyptian language was strongly influenced by the Egyptian Coptic language which was the original language of the Egyptians before the conquest of Islam, and then it had little influence by other languages ​​such as French, Italian, Greek, Turkish and English. The 94 million Egyptians speak the continuum of dialects, among which the Cairene is the most prominent. It is also understood in most Arabic speaking countries because of Egypt's dominance of influence in the region as well as Egyptian media including Egyptian cinema which has had a major influence in the MENA region for over a century along with Egyptian industrial music, making it the most used and wrong one of the most studied Arabic varieties.

Although it is basically an oral language, it is encountered in written form in novels, plays, poems (vernacular literature), as well as in comics, advertisements, several newspapers, and transcriptions of popular songs. In most other written media and in television news coverage, Arabic Literature is used. Arabic literature is a standard language based on the language of the Qur'an, which is Classical Arabic. Egyptian is almost universally written in the Arabic alphabet for local consumption, although it is generally transcribed into Latin letters or in the International Phonetic Alphabet in linguistic texts and textbooks intended to teach non-native students. Also, this is written in Latin alphabet ASCII mainly online and in SMS.

Video Egyptian Arabic

Naming

Egyptians call Egyptian daily dialects ( ???????????????? [el'lo? ÃÆ'Â| l.?ÃÆ'Â|m'mejjÃÆ'Â| lm? s? '? ejj?] ), ^{[note B]} Egyptian Dialect ( ???? ???????? [el'lÃÆ'Â|h? ÃÆ'Â| lm? s? '? ejj?] ; ^{[note C]} abbreviated: ??? ? ['m? s? i] "Egypt"), or Modern Egyptian ( ???????????????? ?, IPA: Ã [el'lo? ÃÆ'Â| l.m? s? '? ejj? l.?ÃÆ'Â|'di:sÃÆ'Â|]). ^{[note A]}

The term Egyptian Arabic is usually used synonymously with Cairene Arabic , which is technically an Egyptian Arabic dialect. The country's real name, Ma? R , often used locally to refer to Cairo itself. Like the role played by the French of Paris, Cairene Arab is by far the most dominant dialect in all spheres of national life.

Maps Egyptian Arabic

Geographic distribution

The total number of Arab Egyptian users in all countries is over 64.5 million, 62.3 million of whom are native speakers in Egypt, including several regional dialects. In addition, there are Egyptian immigrant communities in the Middle East, Europe, North America, Latin America, Australia, and Southeast Asia. Among the oral varieties of Arabic, the standard Egyptian language (based on Egyptian capital dialect) is the only language that has become a lingua franca in other parts of the Arabic speaking world for two main reasons: the proliferation and popularity of Egyptian films and other media in the region since early 20th century as well as a large number of Egyptian teachers and professors who play a role in establishing the education system of various countries in the Arabian Peninsula and also teaching there and in other countries such as Algeria and Libya. Also, many Lebanese artists choose to sing in Egyptian and Lebanese. The standard Egyptian language when used in documents, broadcast media, prepared speeches, and occasionally in liturgical purposes, is Arabic Cairene with loan words from Standard Modern Arabic or code transfers between Arabic Libraries and Arabic Modern Standards.

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History

The Egyptians slowly adopted Arabic as the written language after the conquest of Egyptian Arab-Muslims in the 7th century. Until then, they had spoken Greek or Egyptian in their Coptic form. The period of Coptic-Arab bilingualism in Lower Egypt lasted for more than three centuries. It will last longer in the south. Arabic may have been familiar to the Egyptians through pre-Islamic trade with the Bedouins Arab tribe in the Sinai Peninsula and the easternmost part of the Nile Delta. The Arabic language of Egypt seems to have begun to form in Fustat, Egypt's first Islamic capital, now part of Cairo.

One of the earliest linguistic sketches of the Egyptian Arabic is a 16th century document entitled Daf? al-? I? r? kal? m ahl Mi? r ( ?????????????????????????????, "Removal of Expense from Egyptian Folk Language ") by Y? suf al-ma? Ribi ( ???? ??????? ). It contains key information about early Egyptian Arabic and the language situation in medieval Egypt. The main purpose of the document is to show that although the ancient Egyptian language contains many of the critical "mistakes" vis-ÃÆ' -vis Arabic Classics, according to al-Ma? Ribi, it is also related to Arabic in other respects. With the ongoing Islamization and Arabization of the country, Arab Egyptians slowly replace Coptic speaking. The local chroniclers mention the continuous use of Coptic Egyptian as the spoken language until the seventeenth century by women farmers in Upper Egypt. Coptic is still the liturgical language of the Egyptian Coptic Church.

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Official status

The Arabic Egyptian language has no official status and is not officially recognized as a language. Arabic Standard, modern form of Classical Arabic (also called Qur'anic Arabic), is the official Egyptian language (see diglossia). Interest in the local language began in the 1800s, when the Egyptian national movement for self-determination began to take shape. For decades to follow, the question of reform and modernization of the Arabic language became a heated debate among Egyptian intellectuals. The proposal ranges from developing neologism to replacing the ancient terminology in Standard Arabic to the simplification of syntactic and morphological rules and the introduction of everyday language even to solve "Egyptianization" ( tam? R ) by abandoning what called standard Arabic language that supports Masri or Egyptian language.

Supporters of language reform in Egypt include Qasim Amin, who also wrote the first Egyptian feminist treatise, former Egyptian University President Ahmed Lutfi el-Sayed, and noted Salama Moussa intellectual. They adopted a modernist, secular approach and disagree with the assumption that Arabic is a language that can not be changed because of its relation to the Qur'an. The first modern Egyptian novel in which the dialogue was written in the language was Muhammad Husayn Haykal's Zaynab in 1913. It was in 1966 that Mustafa Musharafa Kabis Who Disbelieved was released, the first novel written entirely in Egyptian Arabic. Other famous novelists, such as Ihsan Abdel Quddous and Yusuf Idris, and poets, such as Salah Jaheen, Abnudi and Fagoumi, helped establish vernacular literature as a different literary genre.

Among certain groups among the Egyptian elite, Egyptian Arabic enjoys a brief period of rich literary results. It is shrinking with the rise of Egyptian Arab nationalism, which has gained widespread popularity in Egypt in the last years of the Egyptian and Sudanese kingdoms, as clearly demonstrated by Egypt's involvement in the 1948 Arab-Israeli War under King Farouk. The Egyptian Revolution of 1952, led by Muhammad Naguib and Gamal Abdel Nasser, further enhanced the significance of Arab nationalism, making it a central element of Egyptian state policy. The Importance of Standard Arabic is re-emphasized in the public sphere by the revolutionary government, and attempts to give the status of formal language to Egyptian languages ​​are ignored. The Arabic Egyptian language is identified as a mere dialect, which is not spoken even in all of Egypt, since almost all of the Upper Egyptians speak in Sa 'dialect? In Arab. Although the revolutionary government sponsors the use of Egyptian language in movies, dramas, television programs, and music, the use of standardized Arabic pre-revolution in official publications is maintained.

The linguistic commentator has noted the multi-faceted approach of the Egyptian revolutionary to Arabic. While the first Egyptian president, Muhammad Naguib showed a preference for using Standard Arabic in his public speech, his successor, Gamal Abdel Nasser is famous for using everyday language and to emphasize his speech with traditional Egyptian words and expressions. By contrast, Standard Arabic is the norm for state news channels, including newspapers, magazines, television, and radio. That is especially true for the Egyptian national broadcasting company, Arab Radio and Television Union, which was established with the intention of providing content for the whole Arab world, not just Egypt, hence the need to be broadcast in standard, not language, language. The Voice of the Arabs radio station, in particular, has audiences from across the region, and any use other than Standard Arabic is seen as highly inappropriate.

Because the Egyptian Arabic status as opposed to Classical Arabic can have political and religious implications in Egypt, the question of whether Egyptian Arabic should be regarded as "dialect" or "language" can be a source of debate. In sociolinguistics, the Egyptian Arabic can be seen as one of many different varieties which, although arguably the language with the abstand, are united by common dachsprache in Arabic Literature (MSA).

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Variations spoken

Sa '? In Arabic it is a separate variation of Egyptian Arabic in Ethnologue.com and ISO 639-3 and in other sources, and both varieties have limited common understanding. It carries a bit of prestige nationally but continues to be widely used, with 19,000,000 speakers, including in the north by rural migrants who have partially adapted to Egyptian Arabic. For example, a genitive exponent Sa '? Usually replaced with Egyptian bit ?? Ã, , but the realization of /?/ as [?] is retained. Second and third generation monolingual migrants in Egypt Aabic but retain cultural and familial ties to the south.

The traditional division between Lower Egypt and Upper Egypt and their respective differences back to ancient times. The Egyptians today used to call people from the north ba? Arwa ( [b? 'W?] ) and from the south ? a? ayda ( [s ?? '?? jd?] ). Differences throughout Egypt, however, are wider and untidy according to simple divisions. The language shifts from the eastern to the western part of the Nile Delta, and the varieties spoken from Gizah to Minya are further grouped into Middle Egyptian groups. Despite the differences, there is a feature that distinguishes all Egyptian Arab varieties from the Nile Valley from various other Arab varieties. These features include long vowel reductions in open and non-stress syllables, demonstrative and interrogative postpositions, imperfect modal meaning and integration of the participle.

Variety of Western Egyptian Bedawi Arabs from the western deserts differs from all other Arab varieties in Egypt as they are linguistically part of the Maghrebi varieties. The same is true for the Egyptian form of Judaeo-Arab. The Bedawi Egyptian East is also different from the Egyptian Arabic.

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Phonology

Arabic Egyptian has a phonology that is slightly different from other Arabic languages ​​and has its own consonant and vocal supplies.

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Morphology

Nouns

In contrast to CA and MSA, nouns are not infected for the case and have no nunation (with the exception of certain phrases in the accusative case, such as Arabic text splitting ['? ok? n] , "thank you"). Since all nouns take the form of their pause, single words and broken compound words lose only the edges. In plurals and multiple forms, where, in MSA, differences in cases are present even in the form of pauses, the genitive/accusative form is preserved. Fixed expressions in the construct state begin in ash , often geographical names, retain -u them in all cases.

Plurals

Color/defects noun

A common set of nouns that refers to color, as well as a number of nouns referring to various physical defects (? A? La? "bald"; a? A? "deaf"; ? ax? as "stupid"), grab a special inflexional pattern, as shown in the table. Note that only a small number of common colors change in this way: ? A? Ma? "red"; ? azra? "blue"; ? ax? a? "green"; ? a? fa? "yellow"; ? abya? "white"; ? iswid "black"; ? asthma? "brown-skinned, brunette"; ? a ?? a? "blonde (e)". The remaining color does not change, and most of the so-called nisba adjectives come from colored objects: bunni "brown" (& lt; bunn "powder coffee "); ? amaadi "gray" (& lt; amaad "ash"); banafsigi "purple" (& lt; banafsig "violet"); burtu? aani "orange" (& lt; burtu? aan "orange"); zibiibi "maroon" (& lt; zibiib "raisins"); etc., or overseas: bee? "beige" from France; bamba "pink" from Turkish pembe .

Pronouns

The Arab Egyptian pronoun is clitika, in the sense they attach to the end of noun, verb or preposition, with the result forming a phonological word rather than a separate word. Clitics can be attached to the following types of words:

• The clitoral pronouns attached to the noun show ownership: bÃÆ' Â © et "home", bÃÆ' Â © et-i "my home"; sikkÃÆ'ina "knife", sikkÃÆ'nt-i "my knife"; ? ÃÆ'¡bb "father", ? abÃÆ'ºu-ya "my father". Note that the pronoun form may vary depending on the phonological form of the embedded word (ending with vowels or with one or two consonants), and the attached noun may also have a separate "construction" form before possessive klitik suffix.
• The pronouns attached to the preposition represent the object of the foreground: the contents of the example
• Clitoric pronouns attached to the verb denote the object of the verb: ? ÃÆ'ºft "I see", ? ÃÆ'ºft-u "I see it", ? uft-ÃÆ'¡ha "I saw it".

With a verb, indirect clause of the object can be formed using the preposition li - plus clitic. Both direct and indirect cliche of the object can be attached to one verb: agÃÆ'ib "I bring", agÃÆ'b-hu "I bring it", agib-hÃÆ'ºu -lik "I brought it to you", m-agib-hu-lkÃÆ'i -? "I did not bring it to you".

Verbs

Verbs in Arabic are based on bars consisting of three or four consonants. Consonant clusters communicate the basic meaning of the verb. Changes in vowels between consonants, along with prefixes and/or suffixes, define grammatical functions such as tense, person and number, in addition to changes in verb meaning that embody grammatical concepts such as causative, intensive, passive or reflexive.

Each special lexical verb is defined by two bars, used for the past tense and used for the past non-past tenses together with the subjunctive and imperative moods. For the former bar, the suffix is ​​added to mark the verb for person, number and gender, whereas for the last bar, a combination of prefix and suffix is ​​added. (Very less, the prefix determines the person and the suffix indicates the numbers and the gender.) The third form of a single masculine past form serves as a "dictionary form" used to identify verbs, similar to infinitives in English. (Arabic has no infinitive.) For example, a verb meaning "write" is often defined as kÃÆ'¡tab , which actually means "he wrote". In the paradigm below, the verb will be defined as kÃÆ'¡tab/yÃÆ'ktib (where kÃÆ'¡tab means "he wrote" and yÃÆ'ktib means "he wrote"), indicates a past trunk ( katab - ) and unused stem ( -tibly-, obtained by deleting the prefix yi - ).

The verb class in Arabic is formed along two axes. One axis (described as "shape I", "form II" etc.) is used to define grammatical concepts such as causative, intensive, passive or reflexive, and involves various forms of stems. For example, from the root KTB "write" is my derivative form kÃÆ'¡tab/yÃÆ'ktib "write", the form II kÃÆ'¡ttib/yikÃÆ'¡ttib "causes write", the form III kÃÆ'¡: tib/yikÃÆ'¡: tib "appropriate", etc. The other axis is determined by the special consonants that make up the roots. For example, a broken verb has W or Y as the last root consonant, which is often reflected in the paradigm with extra final vowels in the stem (eg rÃÆ'¡ma/yÃÆ'rmi "throws" from RMY); meanwhile, the hollow verb has W or Y as the middle consonant, and the verb appears to have only two consonants (eg gÃÆ'¡: b/yigÃÆ': b "brought" from GYB).

Strong verbs

Strong verbs are verbs that have no "weakness" (eg W or Y) in root consonants. Each verb has a vowel pattern given to Past (a or i) and Present (a or i or u). Combined each one there.

Regular verbs, shape I

My form of verb has a vowel pattern given for the past ( a or i ) and presents ( a , i or u ). Each combination exists:

Regular verbs, form I, fÃÆ'¡? al/yÃÆ'f? il

Contoh: kÃÆ'¡tab/yÃÆ'ktib "lengths"

Notice that, in general, this indicative is derived from subjunctive with the addition of bi - ( bi-a - to be avoided to ba - ). Similarly, the future is formed from the subjunctive with the addition of ? A - (? A-a - is avoided to ? A - ). The i in bi - or in the following prefix will be deleted according to regular rules of vocal synop: "he writes" ( hÃÆ'yya bi - tÃÆ'ctib ) li>

hÃÆ'yya bi-t-? ÃÆ'º: f "he sees" ( hÃÆ'yya bi - ti? ÃÆ'º: f an-ÃÆ'¡ktib "I write (subjunctive)" ( ÃÆ'¡na ÃÆ'¡ktib )

Contoh: kÃÆ'¡tab/yÃÆ'ktib "tulis": bentuk-bentuk non-terbatas

Kata kerja reguler, bentuk I, fÃÆ'? il/yÃÆ'f? al

Contoh: fÃÆ'him/yÃÆ'fham "mengerti"

The boldface fÃÆ'hm-it and fÃÆ'hm-u is different from the corresponding form of katab ( kÃÆ'¡tab-it and kÃÆ'¡tab-u due to vocal syncope). Also note the syncope in ÃÆ'¡na fhÃÆ'm-t "I understand".

Regular verbs, form II, fÃÆ'¡ ?? il/yifÃÆ'¡ ?? il

Contoh: dÃÆ'Â © rris/yidÃÆ'¡rris "ajarkan"

The boldface indicates the main difference of the word forms katab :

• Prefix ti - , yi - , ni - have elisi i following bi - or ? a - (all verbs that originally started with a single consonant behave like this).
• My imperative prefix - is missing (again, all verbs that originally started with a single consonant behave like this).
• Due to the regular operation of the stress rule, the pressures in the past tense darrÃÆ's-it and darrÃÆ's-u are different from kÃÆ'¡tab-it and kÃÆ'¡tab-u .
Regular verbs, form III, fÃÆ'¡ :? il/yifÃÆ'¡ :? il

Contoh: sÃÆ'¡: fir/yisÃÆ'¡: fir "perjalanan"

The main differences of the darris form (shown in bold) are:

• The long vowel a: becomes a when it is not stabilized.
• The i in the sa: fir bar is executed when the suffix beginning with the vowel follows.

Verb is broken

Verba rusak memiliki W atau Y sebagai konsonan akar terakhir.

Cacat kata kerja, bentuk I, fÃÆ'¡? a/yÃÆ'f? i

Example: rÃÆ'¡ma/yÃÆ'rmi "remove" (e.g. Trash, etc.)

The main difference from the proper form of katab (shown in bold) is:

• In the past, there were three bars: rÃÆ'¡ma without suffix, ramÃÆ'Â ©: - with consonant early suffix, rÃÆ'¡m - with initial vocal suffix.
• In the past, rmi stem became rm - before the end (initial vowels), and the pressure remained at the prefix, since the stem vocal has been decided.
• Consider also the unintended homonym by the masculine tÃÆ'-rmi, ÃÆ'-rmi and feminine tÃÆ'-rm-i, ÃÆ'-rm-i .

Verba broken, form I, fÃÆ'? i/yÃÆ'f? a

Contoh: nÃÆ'si/yÃÆ'nsa "magnifier"

This type of verb is very similar to the type of broken verb rÃÆ'¡ma/yÃÆ'rmi . The main differences are:

• The occurrence of i and a in the bar behind: i in the past, a then.
• In the past, instead of stem ramÃÆ'Â ©: - and rÃÆ'¡m - , the word has nisÃÆ': - (with suffix consonant-early) and nÃÆ'sy - (with initial vocal suffixes). Note especially | y | at nÃÆ'syit and nÃÆ'syu as opposed to rÃÆ'¡mit and rÃÆ'¡mu .
• Fetching i in nisÃÆ': - may occur, e.g. ÃÆ'¡na nsÃÆ': t "I forgot".
• In the past, because the stem had a instead of i , there was no homonym between masculine tÃÆ'-nsa, ÃÆ'-nsa and feminine tÃÆ'-ns-i, ÃÆ'-ns-i .

Note that some other verbs have different stem variations, e.g. mÃÆ'? i/yÃÆ'm? I "walked" (with i in both bars) and bÃÆ'¡? a/yÃÆ'b? a "to be, fixed" (with a in both bars). The verb lÃÆ'¡? A/yilÃÆ'¡ :? I "find" is unusual in having a mixture of shapes that I have surpassed and the existing form III (note also the variations of lÃÆ''I/yÃÆ'l? A and lÃÆ'¡? A/yÃÆ'l ? a ).

Verbs other than form I have consistent vocal trunks. All of these verbs have a in the past (hence the form starts with -ÃÆ' Â ©: - , not -ÃÆ': - ). Forms V, VI, X, and IIq have a in the present (shown in bold below); others have i ; shapes VII, VIIt, and VIII have i in both stem vowels (marked with italics below); forming the verb IX, including the "broken" verb, behaving as a double verb:

• Form II: wÃÆ'¡dda/yiwÃÆ'¡d in "take"; ? ÃÆ'¡wwa/yi? ÃÆ'¡wwi "strengthen"
• Form III: nÃÆ'¡: da/yinÃÆ'¡: in "call"; dÃÆ'¡: wa/yidÃÆ'¡: wi "treat, heal"
• Form IV (rare, classic): ? ÃÆ'¡r? a/yÃÆ'r? I "please, please"
• Form V : it? ÃÆ'¡wwa/yit? ÃÆ'¡wwa "gets strong"
• Form VI : itdÃÆ'¡: wa/yitdÃÆ'¡: wa "treated, cured"
• Form VII (rare in the Cairene dialect): in? ÃÆ'¡ka/yin? ÃÆ'ki "told"
• Form VIIt : itnÃÆ'¡sa/yitnÃÆ'si "is forgotten"
• Form VIII : i? tÃÆ'¡ra/yi? tÃÆ'ri "buy"
• Form IX (very rare): i? lÃÆ'¡ww/yi? lÃÆ'¡ww "be/be sweet"
• Form X : istÃÆ'¡kfa/yistÃÆ'¡kfa "enough"
• Iq Form: need example
• Form IIq : need an example

Hollow verb

Hollow has W or Y as the middle consonant of the root. Notice that for some forms (eg form II and form III), hollow verbs are conjugated as powerful verbs (eg the form II ? ÃÆ'¡yyin/yi? ÃÆ'¡yyin "designates" from? -YN, III gÃÆ'¡: wib/yigÃÆ'¡: wib "answer" of GWB).

Hollow verb, shape I, fÃÆ'¡: l/yifÃÆ': l

Contoh: gÃÆ'¡: b/yigÃÆ': b "bawa"

This verb works like dÃÆ'¡rris/yidÃÆ'¡rris "teaching". Like all verbs whose roots start with a single consonant, the prefix differs in the following way from the regular and defective forms of my verb:

• Prefix ti - , yi - , ni - have elisi i following bi - or ? a - .
• My imperative prefix - i is missing.

In addition, the past tense has two bars: gÃÆ'b - before the first consonant suffix (first and second person) and gÃÆ'¡: b - elsewhere (third person).

Hollow verb, shape I, fÃÆ'¡: l/yifÃÆ'º: l

Contoh: ? ÃÆ'¡: f/yi? ÃÆ'º: f "lihat"

This verb class is identical to a verb like gÃÆ'¡: b/yigÃÆ': b unless it has a vowel trunk u in place of i .

Multiple verbs

Multiple verbs have the same consonant as the middle and final root consonants, e.g. ? ÃÆ'¡bb/yi? ÃÆ'bb "love" from? -B-B.

Multiple verbs, form I, fÃÆ'¡ ??/yifÃÆ' ??

Contoh: ? ÃÆ'¡bb/yi? ÃÆ' bb "cinta"

The verb is similar to gÃÆ'¡: b/yigÃÆ': b "bring". Like that class, it has two bars in the past, which are ? AbbÃÆ'Â ©: - before the initial consonant suffix (first and second person) and ? ÃÆ'¡bb - elsewhere (third person). Note that ÃÆ' Â ©: - is borrowed from a broken verb; the equivalent form of Classical Arabic is * ? aba¡b - , e.g. * ? aba¡b-t .

Other verbs have u or a in this bar: ba ??/yibÃÆ'º ?? "to see", ? A? ?/yi? ÃÆ'¡ ?? "right, right".

As for other forms:

• Form II, V verb doubled: ? ÃÆ'¡ddid/yi? ÃÆ'¡ddid "restrict, fix (appointment)"
• Forms III, IV, VI, VIII double verb appear no
• Forms VII and VII twice the verb (the same stem vowel a on both bars): inbÃÆ'¡ll/yinbÃÆ'¡ll "becomes damped", that? ÃÆ'¡dd/yit? ÃÆ'¡dd
• The form VIII doubles the verb (the same stem vowel a in both bars): ihtÃÆ'¡mm/yihtÃÆ'¡mm "interested in"
• Form IX verbs (automatically behaves as a "double" verb, the same stem vowel a on both bars): i? mÃÆ'¡rr/yi? mÃÆ'¡rr "becomes red, flushed", me? lÃÆ'¡ww/yi? lÃÆ'¡ww "to be sweet"
• Forms of verbs X (good trunk voices a or i in the past) : ista? ÃÆ'¡ ??/yista? ÃÆ'¡ ?? "worth" vs. ista? ÃÆ'¡dd/yista? ÃÆ'dd "ready", istamÃÆ'¡rr/yistamÃÆ'rr "continue".

Assimilated verbs

Assimilated verbs have W or Y as the first root consonant. Most of these verbs have been set in Egyptian Arabic, such as wÃÆ'¡zan/yÃÆ'wzin "to weigh" or wÃÆ'? ÃÆ'l/yÃÆ'w? al "to arrive". Only a few irrelevant verbs are left, say yes? if/yÃÆ'º? af "stop" and wÃÆ'? i?/yÃÆ'º? a? "fall" (see below).

Slightly weak keywords

The verb "Doubly weak" has more than one "weakness", usually W or Y as the second and third consonants. This term is in fact a misnomer, because such verbs actually behave like normal broken verbs (eg kÃÆ'¡wa/yÃÆ'kwi "iron (clothing)" from KWY, ? ÃÆ'¡wwa/yi ? ÃÆ'¡wwi "strengthen" from? -WY, dÃÆ'¡: wa/yidÃÆ'¡: wi "cure, heal" from DWY).

Irregular verbs

Irregular verbs are as follows:

• Ãddda/yÃÆ'ddi "give" (ending like a normal verb bad)
• yes? if/yÃÆ'º? af "stop" and wa? me?/yÃÆ'º? a? "fall" ( ÃÆ'¡? af, bÃÆ'¡? Af ,? ÃÆ'¡? Af "I (will) stop"; ÃÆ'º? > cal/yÃÆ'¡: kul "eat" and xad/yÃÆ'¡: xud "take" ( kalt, cal, kÃÆ'¡lit, ká "I/they/they eat", also ordinary ÃÆ'¡kal, etc. "he/ kÃÆ'ºl, kÃÆ'ºli, kÃÆ'Â ºlu "eat!"; i> wÃÆ'¡: kil "eat"; mittÃÆ'¡: kil "eaten")
• gÃÆ' Â ©/yÃÆ': gi "come". The verb is very irregular (with a very unusual shape in bold):

Example: gÃÆ' Â ©/yÃÆ': gi "coming": non-limited forms

Table verb forms

In this section all classes of verbs and their associated bars are listed, excluding the small number of irregular verbs described above. Verb root is indicated schematically using capital letters to stand for consonants within the root:

• F = the first consonant of root
• M = the middle consonant of the three consonant roots
• S = second consonant of the four consonant roots
• T = the third consonant of the four consonant roots
• L = the last consonant of root

Therefore, the F-M-L root stands for all three consonant roots, and F-S-T-L represents the four consonant roots. (The traditional Arabic grammar uses F -? - L and F -? - LL, respectively, but the system used here appears in a number of Arabic-speaking dialects and may be less confusing for English speakers, because the form is easier said than involving ? .)

The following table lists the prefixes and suffixes to be added to indicate the strain, the person, the number and gender, and the shape of the rod they add. Forms involving early vowel suffix, and corresponding stem PA _v or NP _v , highlighted in silver colour. The forms involving the initial consonant suffix, and corresponding stems PA _c , are highlighted in gold. Forms involving no suffix, and the corresponding stem PA ₀ or NP ₀ , are not highlighted.

The following table lists the verb class along with past and non-past trunks, active and passive participants, and verbal nouns, in addition to verb samples for each class.

Note:

• The italics are those that follow automatically from the regular rules of shortening and vowel removal.
• The many color forms without the stress sign have a variable voltage, depending on the nature of the suffix added, following the regular rules of assignment of the voltage.
• Many participants and nouns have acquired a broad understanding. In fact, participants and verbal nouns are the primary source for lexical items based on verbs, especially derived verbs (ie non-Form-I).
• Some verb classes do not have ordinary oral nouns; In contrast, the noun verb varies from verb to verb. Even in a verb class that has ordinary oral nouns, there are exceptions. In addition, several verbs share verbal nouns with related verbs from other classes (in particular, many passive verbs use verbal verb active verbs, which can be interpreted either in the sense of active or passive). Some verbs seem to lack verbal nouns at all. (In such a case, paraphrasing will be used involving clauses beginning with inn .)
• Outside My Form, such passive participation usually does not exist; instead, the active participle of the corresponding passive verb class (eg, Form V, VI, VIIt/VIIn for Form II, III, I respectively) is used. The exception is a particular verb in Form VIII and X that contains "participatory" passivity formed to mimic participants in Classical Arabic, for example. mistÃÆ'¡? mile "using", musta¡? mall "used".
• Not all forms have separate verb classes for hollow or multiple roots. If no such class is listed below, the root of the form appears as a strong verb in the appropriate form, e.g. Form II strong verbs ? ÃÆ'¡yya?/Yi? ÃÆ'¡yya? "throw away, lose" related to the shape I hollow verb ? ÃÆ'¡ :?/Yi? ÃÆ' :? "lost", both from root? -Y -?.

Negation

One of the characteristics of the Egyptian syntax that is shared with other North African varieties as well as some areas of southern Levantine dialect is in two parts of the negative verbal circumfix /ma-...-? (i)/

• Past: /'katab/ "he wrote" /ma-katab -? (i)/ "he did not write" ?? ?????
• Present: /'jik-tib/ "he wrote" /ma-bjik-tib -? (i)/ "he did not write" ?? ???????

/ma -/ is derived from the Latin Classical negator /ma:/. /-? (i)/ is the development of Classical /? aj?/ "thing". Congfix negating is similar to its function with French circumfix ne... pas .

Structure can end with consonant /?/ or in vowel /i/, varies by individual or region. More complete end /? I/ is considered rural, and now the speakers of Cairene usually use /?/. However, /? I/ is more common in the past, as evidenced in older films.

Negative fatigue often surrounds the entire verbal composite including direct and indirect object pronouns:

• /ma-katab-hum-'li: -?/ "he did not write it for me"

However, a tense future verb usually uses the prefix/mi?/:

• /mi? -? a-'jiktib/ (or /ma-? A-jik'tib?/ "he will not write"

Interrogative sentences can be formed by adding the negativity of "(mi?)" Before the verb:

• Past: /'katab/ "he wrote"; /mi? - 'katab/ "he did not write?"
• Present: /'jiktib/ "he wrote"; /mi? -bi-'jiktib/ "does not he write?"
• Future: /? a-'jiktib/ "he will write"; /mi? -? a-'jiktib/ "will not he write?"

The addition of circumfix can cause complex changes in the verbal clusters, due to the application of the vocal sync, shortening, elongation, insertion and elitory rules described above:

• Add/m-/can trigger elision or syncope:
  • A following vowel/ma- elided: (ixtÃÆ'¡: r) "he chose" -> ( maxtÃÆ'¡r? ).
  • The short vowel/i/or/u/in the first syllable can be removed by syncope: (kÃÆ'bir) "it grows" -> (makbÃÆ'r?).
• Addition /-?/ can cause vowel shortening or epenthesis:
  • The last long vowel that precedes the single consonant is shorter: (ixtÃÆ'¡: r) "he chooses" -> (maxtÃÆ'¡r?).
  • Epenthetics without pressure/i/inserted when the verbal complex ends in two consonants:/kunt/"I was" -> (makÃÆ'ºnti?).
• In addition, the addition of /-?/ triggers a stress shift, which in turn results in shortening or extending vowels:
  • Stress shifts to a syllable that precedes /?/: (kÃÆ'¡tab) "he wrote" -> (makatÃÆ' ¡B?).
  • The long vowel in the previously shortened syllable is shorter: (? ÃÆ'¡: fit) "he sees" -> (ma? afÃÆ't?); (? ÃÆ'¡: fu) "they saw" or "he saw it" -> (ma? AfÃÆ'º :?).
  • The last short vowel that precedes /?/ extends: (? ÃÆ'¡: fu) "they see" or "he saw it" -> (ma? afÃÆ'º:?).

In addition, certain other morphological changes occur:

• ("afa º :)" they see it "-> (ma? afuhÃÆ'º:?) (to avoid clashes with (ma? afÃÆ'º:?)" they do not see/he does not see him ").
• (? ÃÆ'¡: fik) "He saw you (fem. sg.)" -> (ma? afkÃÆ':?).
• (? ÃÆ'ºftik) "I see you (fem. sg.)" -> (ma? uftikÃÆ':?).



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Syntax

In contrast to Classical Arabic, but very similar to other Arabic variations, Egyptian Arabic prefers the subject-verb-object (SVO) wording; CA and to a lesser extent, MSA prefers verb-subject-objects (VSO). For example, in MSA "Adel reading book" will be ???? ???? ?????? Qara? a ?? dilu l-kit? b IPA: Ã, ['q ????? '? ÃÆ'Â|: del ol ke'tÃÆ'Â|: b] while the EA will say ???? ??? ?????? ?? dil? ara l-kit? b IPA: Ã, ['? ÃÆ'Â|: del '???? lke'tÃÆ'Â|: b] .

Also in common with other Arab varieties is the disappearance of unique agreements in a double form: while duals remain productive to some degree in nouns, multiple nouns are analyzed as plural for the purpose of agreement with verbs, demonstratives, and adjectives. So "These two Syrian professors are on their way to university" in the MSA (in the SVO sentence for ease of comparison) are "Arabic span languages"> ?????????? ???????????????????????????????????????????? " Ha ?? n al-? ust ??? n as -S? Riyy? N yam? Iy? N? Il? l - ?? mi? ah IPA: Ã, [hÃÆ'Â|: 'zÃÆ'Â|: n ÃÆ'Â|l? ostÃÆ'Â|: 'zÃÆ'Â|: n as su: rej'jÃÆ'Â|: n jÃÆ'Â|m? e'jÃÆ'Â|: n '? elÃÆ'Â| l? ÃÆ'Â|: 'me? ÃÆ'Â|] , which became EA "> ????????? ???????????? ? ??????? " il-? ustaz? n il-Suriyy? nd? l biyim? u lil-gam? a, IPA: Ã, [el? ostÃÆ'Â|'ze: n el so? ej'ji: n 'do: l be'jem? lel '? ÃÆ'Â|m? ÃÆ'Â|] .

Unlike most other Arabic forms, however, Egypt prefers the final placement of the question words in interrogative sentences. This is a characteristic feature of the Egyptian Arabic Coptic substrate.




Coptic substratum

The Egyptian Arabic seems to have a significant Coptic substrate in lexicon, phonology, and syntax. Coptic was the last stage of the native Egyptian language that was spoken until the mid-17th century when it was finally completely replaced among Egyptian Muslims and Copts by Egypt's Egyptian majority. Some features of Egyptian-speaking Arabic with original Egyptian languages ​​include certain prefixes and verbal conjugate suffixes, certain conspicuous and glottic consonants, as well as a large number of biliteral and triliteral lexical correspondences.

Two special syntactic features for Arabic Egyptian inherited from Coptic are:

• postposed demonstratives "this" and "that" are placed after nouns.

Example: /ir-r? a:? (in Arabic Literature /ha: ÃÆ' Â ° â € <â € < a: r-ra? ul/) and /il-bitt in/ "this girl" (lit. "this girl" ; in Arabic Literature /ha: ÃÆ' Â ° â € <â € ).

• Whos words (ie "who", "when", "why" remain in their "logical" position in a sentence rather than a prepos, or move to the front of the sentence, as in Arabic or English Literature).

Example:

• • /r? a:? mas? rI? imta/ ( ???????? ) "When (/? Imta/) did he go to Egypt/Cairo?" (Lit. "He went to Egypt/Cairo when?")
  • /r? a:? mas? rI le: h/ ( ??????? ) "Why (/le: h/) does he go to Egypt/Cairo? (Lit." He went to Egypt/Cairo why? ")
  • /mi: n r? a:? mas? r/ or /mi: n illi r? a:? mas? r/ ( ??? [????] ?????? ) "Who (/mi: n/) go to Egypt/Cairo? (Literally - same sequence)

The same sentence in Arabic Literature (with all queries ( wh -word) at the beginning of the sentence) is:

• • ??? ??? ??? ???? Ã, /eye: ÃÆ' Â ° â € <â €
  • ???? ??? ??? ???? Ã, /five ÃÆ' Â ° ahaba? ila: eg? r/
  • ?? ??? ??? ???? Ã, /man ÃÆ' Â ° ahaba? ila: eg? r/

Also since Coptic, like other North African languages, has no interdental consonants, it may influence the manifestation of their emergence in Classical Arabic (IPA)./ /ÃÆ' Â °/ /ÃÆ' Â °?/span title = "Representation in International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA)">/t/ /d/ and persistent gear /d?/ each. (see consonants)




Sociolinguistic features

Egyptian Arabic is used in most social situations, with the Modern Standard and Arabic Classics generally only used in writing and in very religious and/or formal situations. However, in Egyptian Arabic, there are various variations. El-Said Badawi identifies three different levels of Egyptian Arabic primarily based on the quantity of non-Arabic lexical objects in the vocabulary: ?? mmiyyat al-Musaqqaf? N (Arabic Speaking Malay or Traditional Arabic), ?? mmiyyat al-mutanawwir? n (Enlightened or Reasonable Colloquium), and ?? mmiyyat al-'Ummiy? n (Illiterate Jokes). The Official Mandarin/Arabic Voice is characteristic of the educated classes and is the language of discussion of high-level subjects, but still in Egyptian Arabic; it is characterized by the use of technical terms imported from foreign languages ​​and MSA and more attention to the pronunciation of certain letters (especially q? f ). This standard is relatively standardized and, as it is closer to the standard, it is well understood throughout the Arab world. At opposite ends of the spectrum, Kolokal Blind, which is common in rural and working-class neighborhoods in cities, has an almost exclusive Arabic vocabulary; some loan words are generally very old loans (eg Egyptian Arabic gambari , [? ÃÆ'Â|m'bÃÆ'Â|? I] " shrimp, "from Italian gamberi ," shrimp "(pl.)) Or look for tech stuff that did not find or poor equivalent in Arabic (eg Egyptian Arabic text > ??????? til (i ) vizy? n/til (i) fezy? n [tel (e) vez'jo: n, tel (e) fez'jo: n] , television). Enlightened Colloquial (mangyyat al-Mutanawwir? N ) is the language of those who have had a school and are relatively affluent; said loans tend to refer to popular cultural items, products and consumer modes. It is also widely understood in the Arab world, as it is a lingua franca of Egyptian cinema and television.

Unlike the MSA and most other Arabic variations, the Egyptian Arabic has a T-V distinction. In a single language, ??? inta core is accepted in most situations, but to address clear social bosses (eg older people, employers at work , certain government officials), form ????? ? a? ritak/? a? ritik , which means "Your Grace" is preferred (compare Spanish usted ).

Use ? A? Ritak/? A? This is related to the honorable system in everyday Egypt. The honor taken by a given person is determined by their relationship with the speaker and their work.

Other honors also exist.

In use, honorific is used in second and third persons.




Region variation

The Arabic Egyptian language varies regionally across sprachraum , with certain characteristics noted as distinct from a particular regional speech.

Alexandria

The Alexandrian dialect (Western Delta)) is recorded for a certain slogeth that separates his speech from Cairo (Southern Delta). The most frequently recorded in popular discourse is the use of the word falafel as opposed to ? A`meyya for common fried peanuts throughout the country and the pronunciation for Egyptian pounds as ['? eni] , rather than Cairene [? E'ne:] (closer to the pronunciation of the term, English guinea). Older Alexandrian family speeches are also recorded for first-person use of plural even when they speak in singular form.

Port Said

The dialect of Port Said (East Delta) is famous for sound "heavier", more noise, compared to other regions of the country.




Study

Egyptian Arabic has been the subject of study by scholars and laypeople in the past and present for various reasons, including personal interests, egyptomania, business, news reporting and diplomatic and political interactions. Egyptian Colloquial Arabic (ECA) is now a field of study at both undergraduate and graduate levels in many institutions of higher education and universities in the world. When added to academic instruction, Arabic language schools and university programs provide Egyptian Arabic classes courses, and others facilitate classes for online learning.




sample text

Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Egypt / Masri (Arabic writing, spelling is not standardized):

Franco/Arabic Chat Alphabet (does not have stringent standards):

el e3lan el 3alami le 72u2 el ensan, el band el awalani
el bani2admin kollohom mawlodin 7orrin kami bertemu supsawyin karama wel 7o2u2. Etwahablohom el 3a2l wel damir, wel mafrud ye3amlo ba3dihom menjadi ro7 el akhaweya.

Phonemic IPA Transcription (for comparison with Arabic Literature):

/? the? 'la: n the? a: 'lami li? '? u:? the? in'sa: n | the band the? awwa'la: ni/
/the bani? ad'mi: n kul'luhum mawlu'di: n? ur'ri: n wi mitsaw'ji: n fik ka'r? a: but wil? u? u:? || ? etwahab'lohom the '? to? we we dd? a'mi: r wel maf'ru: d? je? amlo ba? 'D? i: hom bi'ro:? el? axa'wejja/

Phonemic transcription of IPA (for Egyptian general phonology demonstrations):

/el? e? 'la: n el? a: 'lami le? '? u:? el? en'sa: n | el 'band el? awwa'la: ni/
/el bani? ad'mi: n kol'lohom mawlo'di: n? or'ri: n we meet with: n fel ka'r? a: ma wel? o '? u:? || ? etwahab'lohom el '? a? le we dd? a'mi: r wel maf'ru: d? je '? amlu ba? ' d? i: hom be'ro:? el? axa'wejja/

Phonetic transcription of IPA morphologically (in quick speech, long vowels half long or without different lengths):

[el? e? 'lÃÆ'Â|: n el? ÃÆ'Â|'lÃÆ'Â|mi le? '? u:? he? en'sÃÆ'Â|: n | he 's he?
[el bÃÆ'Â|ni? ÃÆ'Â|d 'mi: n kol'lohom mÃÆ'Â|wl? 'di: n ?? r'ri: n kami metsÃÆ'Â|w'ji: n fel k? ' ???: m? wel? '? u:? || ? etwÃÆ'Â|hÃÆ'Â|hÃÆ'Â|b'lohom el '? ÃÆ'Â|? le we dd? ' me:? wel m? f '? u: d is'? ÃÆ'Â|mlu b ?? 'di: hom be'? o:? he? ÃÆ'Â|xÃÆ'Â|'wejjÃÆ'Â|]

Recommended alphabet:

El-E? Lan el-? Alami le-? Oquq el-Ensan, el-band el-awwalani:

El-bani'admin kollohom mawludin? Orrin we met with fel-karama wel-? Oquq. Etwahablohom el-? Our Aql? -? Amir, wel-mafru? you? amlo ba ?? ihom be ro? el-axaweyya.

English :

Source of the article : Wikipedia