Henry George

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Henry George (September 2, 1839 - October 29, 1897) was an American economist and political journalist. His writings were very popular in the 19th century, and sparked some of the Progressive Era reform movements. His writings also inspire the economic philosophy known as Georgism, based on the belief that people must have their own value, but the economic value derived from the land (including natural resources) must be shared equally for all members of society.

His most famous work, Progress and Poverty (1879), sold millions of copies worldwide, probably more than any other American book before that time. This paper investigates the paradox of increasing inequality and poverty amid economic and technological advances, the cyclic nature of the industrial economy, and the use of rent-taking such as land value tax and other anti-monopoly reforms as a remedy for these and other social problems.

Video Henry George

Personal life

George was born in Philadelphia to a lower middle-class family, the second of ten children Richard S. H. George and Catharine Pratt George (nÃÆ'Â © e Vallance). His father was a publisher of religious texts and godly Episcopalian, and sent George to the Episcopal Academy in Philadelphia. George neglected to religious education and left the academy without graduation. Instead, he convinced his father to hire a teacher and complete this by reading diligently and attending lectures at the Franklin institute. His formal education ended at age 14 and he went to sea as an ancestor at the age of 15 in April 1855 in Hinduism, to Melbourne and Calcutta. He ended up in West America in 1858 and had considered looking for gold but began work that same year in San Francisco as a type tuner.

In California, George falls in love with Annie Corsina Fox, an eighteen-year-old girl from Sydney who is orphaned and lives with her uncle. His uncle, a prosperous and strong-minded man, opposed his poor apprentice. But the couple, opposed to it, eloped and married in late 1861, with Henry wearing loan clothes and Annie carrying only a pack of books. The marriage was happy and four children were born to them. On November 3, 1862, Annie gave birth to a future United States Representative from New York, Henry George, Jr. (1862-1916). From the beginning, even with the birth of the future sculptor Richard F. George (1865 - 28 September 1912), the family almost died of starvation.

George was raised as an Episcopalian, but he believed in "deistic humanitarianism". Fox is an Irish Catholic, but Henry George Jr. wrote that the children were primarily influenced by the deism and humanism of Henry George.

Maps Henry George

Careers in journalism

After deciding against gold mining in British Columbia, George was hired as a printer for the newly-created San Francisco Times , and can immediately send editorials for publications, including the popular What To Do Train Bring Us. , which still needs to be read in California schools for decades. George rose from the Times, eventually becoming managing editor in the summer of 1867. George worked for several papers, including four years (1871-1875) as editor of his own newspaper San Francisco Daily Evening Post i> and temporarily run the Reporter , a Democratic anti-monopoly publication. The George family fought hard but George's growing reputation and involvement in the newspaper industry lifted them out of poverty.

The other two George children are both girls. The first is Jennie George, (1867-1897), then Jennie George Atkinson. Another Princess George is Anna Angela George (1878), who will be the mother of future dancers and choreographers, Agnes de Mille and future actress Peggy George, born Margaret George de Mille.

Political and economic philosophy

George started as the Lincoln Republic, but later became a Democrat. He is a strong critic of rail and mining interests, corrupt politicians, land speculators, and labor contractors. He first articulated his views in an 1868 article entitled "What Railroad Will Carry Us." George argues that the explosion in railway construction will only benefit a handful of lucky people who have interests in railroads and other related companies, while throwing most of the population into poverty. This caused him to gain hostility from Central Pacific Crossroad executives, who helped defeat his bid for election to the California State Assembly.

One day in 1871 George went to ride a horse and stopped to rest while facing the San Francisco Bay. He then wrote about the revelation he had:

I asked the passers-by, wanting something better to say, what precious land there was. He pointed to some cows that grazed so far that they looked like mice, and said, "I do not know exactly, but there is a man there who will sell some land for a thousand dollars an acre." At first glance, I realize that there is a reason for advancing poverty with widespread wealth. With population growth, the land grew in value, and the people who worked it had to pay more for the privilege.

Furthermore, during a visit to New York City, he was struck by the apparent paradox that the poor in the long-standing city was far worse than the poorest people in less developed California. This observation provides the theme and title for his book of 1879 Progress and Poverty , which was a huge success, selling over 3 million copies. In it George makes the argument that a substantial portion of the wealth created by social and technological advances in a free market economy belongs to landowners and monopolies through economic rents, and that this unbearable concentration of wealth is a major cause of poverty. George considers it a great injustice that personal gain is derived from restricting access to natural resources while productive activities are burdened with heavy taxes, and indicating that such systems are equivalent to slavery - a concept somewhat similar to wage slavery. It is also a job in which he makes a case for the land value tax on which the government will tax the value of the land itself, thereby preventing private interests from acquiring over mere ownership, but allowing the value of all improvements made to the land. to stay with investors.

George is in a position to discover this pattern, having experienced its own poverty, knowing many different peoples of its journey, and living in California at a time of rapid growth. In particular he noticed that the construction of railroads in California increased the value of land and rent as quickly or faster than a raise.

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Political career

In 1880, now a renowned author and speaker, George moved to New York City, in close contact with the Irish nationalist community even though it came from an English ancestor. From there he made several trips speaking abroad to places like Ireland and Scotland where access to land (and still is) a major political issue.

In 1886, George campaigned for the mayor of New York City as a United Labor Party candidate, a short-term political society of the Central Labor Union. He conducted a second poll, more than Republican candidate Theodore Roosevelt. The election was won by Tammany Hall candidate, Abram Stevens Hewitt, by what many of George's supporters believe is a fraud. In 1887 New York state elections, George was in a distant third position in the election of New York State Minister. The United Labor Party was soon undermined by internal divisions: management was essentially Georgians, but as an organized labor party, it also included some Marxist members who did not want to distinguish between land and capital, many Catholics not advocated by excommunication. Father Edward McGlynn, and many disagree with George's free trade policy. George had a special problem with Terrence V. Powderly, president of Warrior Labor, a key member of the Labor Union coalition. Although initially friendly with Powderly, George strongly opposed the tariff policy that Powderly and many other labor leaders deemed important to protect American workers. George's harsh criticism of tariffs led him to oppose Bubly and others in the labor movement.

Death and burial

George's first stroke occurred in 1890, after a global talk tour of land rights and the relationship between rent and poverty. This stroke greatly weakened him, and he never really recovered. Nonetheless, George tried to remain active in politics. Against the advice of his doctor, George campaigned for the mayor of New York City again in 1897, this time as an Independent Democrat. The tension of the campaign triggered a second stroke, which caused his death four days before the election.

An estimated 100,000 people visit Grand Central Palace during the day to see Henry George's face, with an estimated number of people outside, can not enter, and are detained by police. After the Palace door was closed, Reverend Lyman Abbott, Pastor Edward McGlynn, Rabbi Gustav Gottheil, R. Heber Newton (Episcopalian), and John Sherwin Crosby delivered the lecture. Separate funeral services are held elsewhere. In Chicago, five thousand people waited in line to listen to a warning speech by former Illinois governor John Peter Altgeld and John Lancaster Spalding.

The New York Times reported that at night, a funeral procession organized about 2,000 people left from the Grand Central Palace and walked through Manhattan to the Brooklyn Bridge. The procession is "along the way... filled on both sides by a silent crowd of observers."

The procession continued into Brooklyn, where the crowd at Brooklyn Town Hall "is the most populous place ever to be there." There are thousands of people at City Hall so far away that they can not see the funeral procession. Impossible to walk on one of the nearby trails. The Times writes, "There is rarely a very large crowd that appears in Brooklyn at every opportunity," but it remains, "[t] he slowly chimed Town Hall bells and the usual drum beating was the only sound which breaks the silence... Anything more impressive... unimaginable. "At Court Street, the coffin was transferred to a hearse and taken to a private cemetery at Fort Hamilton. Commentators disagree as to whether it is the largest burial in New York's history or the largest since the death of Abraham Lincoln. The New York Times reported, "Even Lincoln does not have a nobler death." Even the more conservative New York Sun writes that "Since the Civil War, some announcements are more surprising than the sudden death of Henry George."

Policy views and proposals

Socialization of land and resource rent

Henry George is famous for his argument that the lease of economic land (location) should be shared by the community. The clearest statement of this view is found in Progress and Poverty : "We must make common property." By taxing the value of land, communities can recapture shared inheritance value, raise wages, increase land use, and eliminate tax requirements on productive activities. George believes it will eliminate any existing incentives against land speculation and encourage development, since landlords will not suffer tax penalties for any industry or building built on their land and can not benefit by holding back valuable sites that are empty.

The application of this principle in general is now known as "Georgisme." In George's time, it was known as the "single tax" movement and was sometimes associated with movements for the nationalization of the land, especially in Ireland. In George's Progress and Poverty, however, George did not like the idea of ​​nationalization.

I do not propose to buy or confiscate private property on land. The former is unjust; the second, not necessary. Let the people who now hold it still retain, if they will, have what they like to call their land. Let them keep calling them their land. Let them buy and sell, and inherit and design it. We can safely leave them shell, if we take the kernel. No need to confiscate the land; only need to confiscate the lease.

Free utility and public transport

George considers businesses that rely on exclusive land rights from the streets to become "natural" monopolies. Examples of these services include utility transportation (water, electricity, sewage), information (telecommunications), goods, and tourists. George suggests that this transport system alongside the "common way" usually has to be managed as a public utility and is provided free of charge or at marginal cost. In some cases, it is possible to allow competition between private providers along public "road rights", such as parcel delivery companies operating on public roads, but wherever competition is impossible, George supports the full municipality. George said that this service will be provided free of charge because investments in public goods that are profitable always tend to increase the value of land more than the total investment cost. George uses an example of an urban building that provides free vertical transit, which is paid off from some of the increase in the value that residents derive from the addition of elevators.

Intellectual property reform

George opposes or suspects all intellectual property rights, because his classical definition of "land" includes "all natural forces and opportunities." Therefore, George proposes to remove or severely limit intellectual property rights. In George's view, having a monopoly over certain material arrangements and interactions, governed by the forces of nature, allows the holder the right to extract royalty-rent from the producer, in a manner similar to that of an ordinary land title owner. George then supports limited copyright, arguing that the temporary property of setting unique words or colors does not in any way prevent others from working to create other artwork. George seems to place the patent lease price as a less significant monopoly form than the owner of the land ownership rights, in part because he views the owner of the location as a "robber who takes all that remains." People can choose not to buy certain new products, but they can not choose not to have a place to stand, so the benefits gained to work through lower reforms will tend to ultimately be captured by owners and funders from site monopolies.

Free trade

George opposed tariffs, which at the time was the primary method of protectionist trade policy and an important source of federal income, federal income taxes had not been introduced. He argues that tariffs make high prices for consumers, while failing to produce an overall wage increase. He also believes that tariffs protect the monopolist from competition, thus increasing their strength. Free trade is a major issue in federal politics and his book Protection or Free Trade is the first book fully read in the Congressional Record. It was read by five members of the Democratic Congress.

In 1997, Spencer MacCallum wrote that Henry George "is undeniably the greatest writer and orator in the free trade that ever lived."

In 2009, Tyler Cowen wrote that George's 1886 book Protection & Free Trade remains probably the best tract on free trade to date. "

Jim Powell says that Free Protection or Trade is probably the best book on commerce written by anyone in America, comparing it to Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations. Milton Friedman says it is the most brilliant work ever written about trade. Friedman also paraphrased one of George's arguments in favor of free trade: "It is a very interesting thing that during the war we blockaded our enemies to prevent them from getting things from us, and in peace we did for ourselves at what rate which we do against our enemies in times of war. "

Secret ballot

George is one of the earliest and most prominent supporters for the adoption of secret ballot papers in the United States. The Harvard historian Jill Lepore asserted that Henry George's advocacy was the reason the Americans voted by secret ballot today. George's first article in favor of a secret vote entitled "Bribery in Elections" and published in the Overland Review in December 1871. His second article was "Money in Elections", published in North American Review > March 1883. The first secret ballot reforms approved by the state legislature were brought by reformers who said they were influenced by George. The first country to adopt a secret vote, also called The Australian Ballot, was Massachusetts in 1888 under the leadership of Richard Henry Dana III. In 1891, more than half of the state also adopted it.

Creation of money, banking and national deficit reform

George supports the use of "sovereign money", such as the greenback, which will be used by the government to circulate to help finance public expenditure through the seizing of rente seigniorage. He opposes the use of coins, such as gold or silver, and banknotes made by private commercial banks.

Citizen's dividend and universal pension

George proposed to create a system of pensions and disabilities, and unconditional basic income from the lease of surplus land. It will be distributed to the population "as a right" not as a charity. Georgis often referred to this policy as a citizen dividend in reference to a similar proposal by Thomas Paine.

Bankruptcy protection and elimination of debtor dungeon

George noted that most of the debt, although it contains the interests of original capital, was not issued for the purpose of creating actual capital, but as a liability to the lease flow of existing economic rights. Therefore, George argued that the state should not provide assistance to creditors in the form of sheriffs, constables, courts, and prisons to impose the collection on this illegal obligation. George did not provide any data to support this view, but in the developed world today, much of the credit supply is made to buy claims on future land leases, rather than financing the creation of actual capital. Michael Hudson and Adair Turner estimate that about 80 percent of loans finance the purchase of real estate, mostly land.

George acknowledged that this policy would limit the banking system but believed that it would really be an economic boon, since the financial sector, in its existing form, largely added the extraction of rent, as opposed to productive investment. "The credit curse," writes George, is "... that it extends when there is a tendency of speculation, and sharp contracts only when most are needed to ensure confidence and prevent industrial waste." George even said that debt jubile could eliminate the accumulation of burdensome obligations without reducing the aggregate wealth.

Women's choice

George is an important and vocal advocate for women's political rights. He argued to expand the suffrage for women and even suggested filling a single house of Congress entirely with women: "If we must have two assemblies of Congress, then let's all fill it with women and the other with men."

Other proposals

Henry George also proposed and advocated for the following reforms:

• Dramatic reduction in military size.
• Replacement of contract patronage with the direct work of government workers, with the protection of civil services.
• Build and maintain mass transportation and free libraries.
• Campaign financial updates and restrictions on political spending.

Legacy

Henry George's ideas on politics and economics had great influence in his day. His ideas gave rise to an economic philosophy now known as Georgism. However, its influence slowly shrank during the 20th century. Nevertheless, it would be difficult to overstate George's influence on the movement of intellectual reform and culture in the last century. The self-published Advancement and Poverty is the first popular economic text and one of the most printed books ever written. The popularity of books around the world is often marked as the beginning of the Progressive Era and various political parties, clubs, and charities around the world founded on George's ideas. George's message attracted widespread support throughout the political spectrum, including trade unionists, socialists, anarchists, libertarians, reformers, conservatives and wealthy investors. As a result, Henry George is still claimed as a major intellectual influence by classical and socialist liberals. Edwin Markham revealed a general sentiment when he said, "Henry George has always been one of my greatest humanitarian heroes."

A large number of well-known figures, especially the Progressive Era, claimed inspiration from Henry George's ideas. John Peter Altgeld writes that George "made a huge impression on the economic thinking of the time as Darwin did in the world of science." Jose Marti wrote, "Only Darwin in the natural sciences has made a mark comparable to George in the social sciences." In 1892, Alfred Russel Wallace declared that George Progress and Poverty is undoubtedly the most extraordinary and important book of the century, implicitly putting it above even The Origin of Species, i>, which he previously helped to develop and publish.

Franklin D. Roosevelt praised George as "one of the great thinkers produced by our country" and bemoaned the fact that George's writings were no better known and understood. Yet even a few decades earlier, William Jennings Bryan wrote that George's genius had reached the global public reading and that he was "one of the world's leading thinkers."

John Dewey writes, "It takes less than the fingers of both hands to refer to those who are from Plato with him," and that "No one, no graduate of a higher education institution, is entitled to consider himself an educated person in social thought unless he has some direct acquaintance with the theoretical contributions of this great American thinker. "Albert Jay Nock writes that whoever rediscovered Henry George would find that" George is one of half a dozen [nineteenth century] minds, all over the world. " Anti-war activist John Haynes Holmes voiced that sentiment by commenting that George was "one of half a dozen large nineteenth-century Americans, and one of the foremost social reformers of all time." Edward McGlynn said, "[George] is one of the greatest geniuses the world has ever seen, and... the quality of his heart is entirely equivalent to his intellectual gift... He is a towering person, above all equal to almost any pursuit line literature or science. "Likewise, Leo Tolstoy wrote that George was" one of the greatest people of the 19th century. "

The social scientist and economist John A. Hobson observed in 1897 that "Henry George can be considered to have used a stronger direct formative and educative influence against British radicalism over the past fifteen years than anyone else," and that George "was able to propel ideas abstract, ie economic rents, into the minds of a large number of 'practical' people, and thereby resulting from him a social movement.George has all the popular gifts of American orator and journalist, with something more audible than any greeting. Hobson. George Bernard Shaw claims that Henry George was responsible for inspiring 5 of 6 socialist reformers in Britain during the 1880s, which created a socialist organization like the Fabian Society. The Controversial People's Budget and the Land Values ​​(Scotland) Bill were inspired by Henry George and produced a constitutional crisis and the 1911 Parliamentary Act to reform the House of Lords, which has blocked land reform. In Denmark, Danmarks Retsforbund, known in English as the Justice Party or Single Tax Party, was founded in 1919. This party platform is based on the land tax principle of Henry George. The party was elected to parliament for the first time in 1926, and they were quite successful in the postwar period and succeeded in joining the government coalition with the Social Democratic Party and the Social Liberal Party from 1957-60, with declining success after that.

Non-political ways have also been attempted to advance the cause. A number of "Single Tax Colonies" began, such as Arden, Delaware and Fairhope, Alabama. In 1904, Lizzie Magie created a board game called The Landlord's Game to demonstrate George's theories. This then turned into a popular board game Monopoly.

Joseph Jay "J.J." Pastoriza leads the successful Georgian movement in Houston. Although Georgist's club, the Houston Single Tax League, began there in 1890, Pastoriza lent his money to the league in 1903. He retired from the printing business in 1906 to devote his life to public service, then traveled to the United States. State and Europe while studying various property taxation systems. He returned to Houston and served as the Tax Commissioner of Houston from 1911 to 1917. He introduced the "Houston Tax Plan" in 1912: land inventory improvements and merchants were taxed at 25 percent of the assessed value, 70 percent unfit for taxes. ratings, and private property are excluded. However, in 1915, two courts ruled that the Houston Plan violated the Texas Constitution.

Before reading Progress and Poverty , Helen Keller is a socialist who believes that Georgism is a good move in the right direction. He then wrote about discovering "in the philosophy of Henry George a rare beauty and inspirational power, and extraordinary faith in the essential instinct of human nature." Some people speculate that the passion, sincerity, clear explanation in Henry Henry's writing for the religious desires faced by many of George's theorists, and that the possibility promised to create heaven on Earth fills a spiritual vacuum during the era of secularization. Josiah Wedgwood, Liberal Labor Party politician and later Labor party writes that since reading Henry George's work, "I know that there is a man from God, and his name is Henry George." I do not need it for another religion. "

Although both support workers' rights, Henry George and Karl Marx are antagonists. Marx saw the Single Tax platform as a step back from the transition to communism. In part, Henry George predicts that if Marx's ideas are tried, the possible outcome is dictatorship. Leo Tolstoy regrets that silence has fallen around George, since he views Georgism as natural and realistic, as opposed to other utopian movements, and as "a contribution to the enlightenment of human consciousness, placed on a practical footing," and that it can helping to get rid of what he called the Slavery of Our Times . "

Henry George's popularity diminished gradually during the 20th century. However, there are still Georgian organizations. Many influential influential people, such as George Bernard Shaw, were inspired by George or identified as Georgis. In his last book, Where do we go from here: Chaos or Community? Martin Luther King, Jr. refers to Henry George to support guaranteed minimum income. Bill Moyers quotes Henry George in a speech and identifies George as "a great personal hero." Albert Einstein writes that "People like Henry George are so rare that one can not imagine a combination of intellectual elegance, artistic form and a more beautiful love of justice.Each line is written as if to our generation.The spread of these works is really because it is worth it, for our generation has a lot of important things to learn from Henry George. "

Mason Gaffney, an American economist and a major Georgist critic of neoclassical economics, argues that neoclassical economics is designed and promoted by landowners and hired economists to divert attention from George's immensely popular philosophy that because land and resources are provided by nature, and their value given by the public, the value of the land - not labor or capital - should provide a tax base to fund the government and its expenditures.

Joseph Stiglitz writes that "One of the most important but less valued ideas in economics is Henry George's principle of land-lease taxation, and, more generally, natural resources." Stiglitz also claims that we now know the land value tax "is even better than Henry George's thought."

The Robert Schalkenbach Foundation publishes copies of George's works and related texts on economic reform and sponsors academic research into his policy proposals. The Lincoln Institute of Land Policy was founded to promote Henry George's ideas but now focuses more on the economy and land policy. The Henry George School of Social Sciences in New York and its satellite schools teach classes and do outreach.

Henry George's Theorem

In 1977, Joseph Stiglitz pointed out that under certain circumstances, government spending on public goods would increase the rent of aggregate land at least by the same amount. This result has been dubbed by economist theorem Henry George, because it describes a situation in which Henry George's "single tax" is not only efficient, it is also the only tax required to finance public expenditure.

Economic contribution

George reconciled the problem of efficiency and equality, showing that both can be satisfied under the system in harmony with the laws of nature. He points out that Ricardo's Rental Law applies not only to the agricultural economy, but rather to the urban economy. And he points out that there is no inherent conflict between labor and capital provided that one maintains a clear distinction between the classical factors of production, capital and land.

George developed what he saw as an important feature of his own economic theory in a critique of the illustrations used by Frà © ntica Bastiat to explain the nature of interest and profit. Bastiat has asked his readers to consider James and William, both carpenters. James had built his own plane, and had lent it to William for a year. Will James be satisfied with the return of the equally good aircraft a year later? Certainly not! He expects the board along with it, as a flower. The basic idea of ​​an interesting theory is to understand why. Bastiat said that James had given William during the year "strength, inherent in instruments, to increase his work productivity," and wanted compensation for increased productivity.

George did not accept this explanation. He writes, "I tend to think that if all wealth consists of things like planes, and all production is like a carpenter - that is, if wealth consists of inert matter of the universe, and production processes these inert matter into various forms different - the interest will be industrial robbery, and can not last long. "But some riches inherently bear fruit, such as a pair of cow farms, or wine juice vats immediately ferment into wine. Aircraft and other types of inert matter (and most lent them all - the money itself) earn interest indirectly, by being part of the same "circle of exchange" with such beneficial forms of wealth, binding the forms of wealth from time to time raises the opportunity cost.

George's theory has its criticism. Austrian school economist Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, for example, stated a negative assessment of George's discussion on the carpenter's aircraft. In his treatise, Capital and Interest , he writes:

(T) it separates production into two groups, where the vital forces of nature form different elements in addition to labor, while in others they are not, wholly untenable [...] The natural sciences have long ago told us that cooperation of nature is universal. [...] Male muscle movement that plane will be very little used, if the forces of nature and the aircraft steel edge properties do not come to its aid.

Later, George argues that the role of time in production is widespread. In The Science of Political Economy, he writes:

[I] I went to the builder and told him, "At what time and at what price would you build me in a house like this?" he will, after thinking, mention the time, and the price based on it. This time specification will be important.... This I will soon discover if, not quarreling with the price, I request it massively to reduce the time.... I may get the builders a bit to reduce the time...; but only by increasing the price, until finally a point will be reached where he will not agree to build the house in less time no matter what the price. He will say [that the house could not be built sooner]....

The importance of this principle - that all wealth production takes time and labor - we will see later; but that time principle is a necessary element in all production that we must take into account from the beginning.

According to Oscar B. Johannsen, "Since the basis of the concept of Austrian value is subjective, it is clear that George's understanding of values ​​is parallel with them, but he also does not understand or disrespect the importance of marginal utility." Instead, George explicitly uses marginal utility in his analysis of "production margins" in macroeconomics and microeconomic decision theory.

Another passionate response came from the British biologist T.H. Huxley in his article "Capital - Mother of Labor," was published in 1890 in The Nineteenth Century journal . Huxley used the scientific principles of energy to undermine George's theory, arguing that, speaking passionately, unproductive labor.

Work

• Land and Land Policy 1871
• Progress and Poverty 1879 unadged text (1912)
• The Land Question 1881 ( The Irish Land Question )
• Social Problems 1883
• Free Protection or Commerce 1886
• "The New Party". The North American Review . 145 (368): 1-8. July 1887. ISBNÃ, 0-85315-726-X.
• Free Protection or Commerce 1886 unstructured text (1905)
• The Standard, New York 1887 to 1890 Weekly weekly starts and is usually edited by Henry George.
• Labor Condition 1891
• A Confused Philosopher 1892
• Political Economy (unfinished) 1898

See also

References

Note

Further reading

• Barker, Charles Albro Henry George . Oxford University Press 1955 and Greenwood Press 1974. ISBNÃ, 0-8371-7775-8

External links

• The Henry George Foundation (English)
• The Robert Schalkenbach Foundation
• The Land Value Tax (English) Campaign
• The Henry George Foundation of Australia
• Henry George (1839-1897) . The Concise Encyclopedia of Economics . Library of Economy and Freedom (issue 2). Dana Liberty. 2008.
• Center for Economic Studies
• Henry George Institute - Understanding Economics
• The Henry George School, founded in 1932.
• Works by or about Henry George in the Internet Archive
• Works by Henry George on LibriVox (public domain audiobook)
• Henry George's Online Work
• Wealth and Desire
• Prosper Australia
• Henry George in the Search of the Mausoleum
• Henry George Foundation OnlyMelbourne
• Henry George's Complete Works. Publisher: New York, Doubleday, Page & amp; company, 1904. Description: 10 v. front (v. 1-9) ports. 21 cm. (Facsimile searchable in Georgia University Library; DjVu & amp; layered PDF format)
• Poverty Crime by Henry George
• Centro Educativo Internacional Henry George (Managua, Nicaragua), in Spanish
• Henry's "Progress and Poverty" Economy, by Edgar H. Johnson, 1910.

Source of the article : Wikipedia